Manual Bureaucrats and Politicians in Western Democracies (Peabody Museum)

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Kenan Malik has situated himself in the crosshairs of the dispute over the nature of race, arguing from the standpoint of Enlightenment rationalism and scientific objectivity. It is a wide-ranging polemic against those who claim that race is a biological fact. Continuing the investigation begun in his book The Meaning of Race , the new volume takes special aim against multicultural postmodernists and examines the biological, social and historical premises behind identity politics.

Malik points out that identity politics mimics racism itself. Liberal thinking, he says, has become infected with a racial view of the world.

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Malik studied neurobiology and the history and philosophy of science, and was a research psychologist. This multidisciplinary approach permeates his writing. What is most significant is that he places the sciences and their interpretation in a historical context and, most unusual of all, in a political context. This book provides a compelling argument that race is not a scientific category, but a social one.

Politics and Art - Oxford Handbooks

His shocking statement, Malik suggests, was emblematic of the tenacity of racial thinking, even among scientists, and pointed to the fact that science alone cannot determine the veracity of race. There are three main aspects to the book: an account of the biological dispute on the existence of race, its reverberations among cultural anthropologists, and the place of race socially, historically and philosophically. Malik examines a range of positions on the biological nature of race.

Statistical population studies in genetic difference are now the standard. The perplexity of melding commonly held racial definitions with identification of race by genetic markers is the rub, the author demonstrates. As sickle cell disease originates in areas where malaria is prevalent, it is found in equatorial Africa, parts of southern Europe, southern Turkey, parts of the Middle East and in much of central India. Four distinct types of sickle cell genes have been discovered across continents, says Malik. Scientists are forced to conclude that genetic traits based on ancestry do not necessarily conform to the self-identified race of various populations.

The author also points to the work of Neil Risch, a professor of human genetics at University of California, who argues that if races are defined according to the greatest degree of genetic difference, there should just two races, sub-Saharan Africans and others. Yet even these continental categories, Malik says, have been deemed too broad for research purposes and therefore are typically divided into clusters.

Studies of this type, cited by the author, have linked peoples as dispersed as Armenia, Norway, Ashkenazi Jews, the majority of Ethiopians and a minority of Afro-Caribbeans into one genetic cluster—indicating the problems with customary racial designations. There is no set of characteristics upon which scientists can define each publicly accepted race.

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Race appears to have validity only if we are willing to be deliberately vague as to what it constitutes, argues Malik. At the same time, Strange Fruit concludes that the classification of genetic differences between human populations can be helpful in the scientific study of disease, as can ancestry information based on racial self-identification. But Malik emphasizes that use of these imprecise and vague racial categories does not just distort biomedical information, but may often do more harm than good.

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  4. BiDiL was denied a license in because clinical trials demonstrated that it was not effective. After it was reassigned to a race-based study and relabeled for African-Americans, it won a new patent and was put on the market. The studies demonstrated a statistically significant benefit when restricted to those who self-identified as black.

    The concrete effect of upholding the biological notion of race in medical research, Malik says, is that scientists endow differences between socially defined groups with greater importance than is warranted.

    Frank Möller

    At the same time, he holds out the hope that pragmatic use of the social, rather than scientific, categories of race could assist medical research. This latter position seems rather self-contradictory for the author. These bones are some of the oldest ever found in North America. Leading anthropologists from across the country filed suit in an attempt to preserve the bones for science.

    But the Native American tribes felt this would desecrate their ancestors. An extraordinary legal battle ensued between anthropologists, the US government and the Yakama Indian Nation. Sadly, in April , the US Army Corps of Engineers covered the riverbank where the Kennewick Man had been discovered in tons of rocks, upholding what tribal leaders called the preservation of their culture.

    This is not an isolated case. This collection had been considered extremely valuable because it was well preserved and large enough to be statistically significant and demographically representative. The bones had been the basis of a landmark study on osteoporosis. Log In Sign Up.

    Bureaucracy in India: Babu power and red tape

    Curriculum Vitae. Anastasia Piliavsky. Chicago UP. Cambridge: CUP. It combines a stellar assembly of researchers and imaginatively analysed case studies, and will provoke exciting debates about the past, present and future of democracy - both in South Asia itself, and far beyond. Jonathan Spencer It is remarkable how much the historical course in India is guided rather by institutional memories and their persisting structural paradigms.

    Testifying to this reproduction of the past in modern political garb, essay after essay of this fine work offers a nuanced, anthropological sense of how cultural order is revealed by historical change, even as the change manifests a historical order. Marshall Sahlins Even those of us who see the importance of patronage waning will find an abundance of crucial insights in these subtle, deeply learned analyses. Their essays push back against the conventional interpretation of patronage as a merely instrumental form of exchange, revealing it as a performance of social values, in which patrons demonstrate their generosity and clients prove their loyalty.

    Andrew J Nathan, Foreign Affairs Deep, richly intense … a work of enduring importance for scholars of most major disciplines on South Asia. Some of the most effective responses are to be found in the book. Uday Basu, The Statesman As Piliavsky writes in her excellent introduction to this volume, the poor in South Asia are far more politically engaged and informed than their better-off peers.

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    And it may appear that how we understand anything is not unrelated to how photography works. These reinterpretations help reveal existing power relations within society, determining what previously was known and what was deemed worthy of analysis in the first place and identifying what previously was not seen and—therefore? There is a critical ingredient, and there is a moral ingredient, in much artistic work and also in many studies on politics and art. Art—and artists—may seek to catalyze political change.

    Artists may be political without attempting to be political in extremis: art cannot but be political , whereas those artists who want to exert political influence may fail. Art may include a utopian element. Revealing what could be and, by so doing, potentially altering the discursive frames within which politics is negotiated, is one of the things that art and political analysis of art can do. Thus, art can be political without being critical as defined above , but it cannot be critical without being political.

    Research on politics and art reveals the politically progressive potentialities of art and the progressive politics of artists without ignoring the fact that artistic manifestations may also appear to support repressive and violent politics. Indeed, there is no reason to assume that artists and artworks are necessarily progressive and critical. There is no reason to assume, either, that artists and artworks can achieve what other social agents fail to achieve.

    There is, however, reason to assume that such binaries as critical-uncritical or political-unpolitical obscure more than they reveal. Research on art is based on the assumption that art gives us something that other human endeavors cannot give us. Otherwise, we would not need art. Art—and political analysis of art—may pave the way from the given—or the said-to-be-given—to the possible. Participatory projects offer many possibilities to do this within limits.

    What I am offering in this contribution is neither an intellectual nor a disciplinary history of work in political science loosely defined on art and aesthetics, 25 nor yet another defense of such work. The first section is divided into three parts: on method, words and images, and quantity and quality. The second section is also presented in three parts: art and violence, visibility and invisibility, and representing the aftermath.

    The third section also is divided into three parts: from aftermath to peace, artivism and participation, and memory remix. Much more can be said about the questions addressed in the sections and subsections and also about many other issues excluded from this article. My focus in this contribution is on the visual arts, very broadly understood, including photojournalistic image production.

    Any number of references could be given to substantiate the claim that within the overall field of politics and art, work on politics and visual art is particularly timely and important. More than twenty years ago, W. Mitchell wrote:. Certainly I would not be the first to suggest that we live in a culture dominated by pictures, visual simulations, stereotypes, illusions, copies, reproductions, imitations, and fantasies….

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    Although the focus in this contribution is on visual images, I suggest that questions such as the ones asked by Mitchell can also be asked with regard to other artistic genres. I hope this contribution is useful not only to readers with an interest in visual art and visual images but also to readers interested in the overall configurations of politics and art and to those with an interest in artistic genres other than visual ones.

    By what means can the vision art articulates be analyzed from the point of view of political science? And what can viewers and readers do with knowledge thus generated; to what ends can they use it?

    The Bureaucrats

    Such analysis has to apply and develop methodological approaches suitable for the political analysis of art. This socialization to some extent predetermines what this text is about and what it is not about. To claim otherwise would be misleading. Such approaches to the study of politics and art as qualitative, interpretive, and episodic, noncausal ones will not always result in generalizable knowledge valid across cases and over time, but they will produce knowledge all the same, limited as it may be.

    Furthermore, equating science with the production of generalizable knowledge is one approach to science among others. Likewise, assigning to science—rather than art—a privileged position regarding knowledge production is one approach among others. Knowledge on politics and art, modestly, supplements knowledge generated elsewhere in the social sciences and helps explain what other forms of inquiry cannot explain.